DISENTANGLING
POLITICAL SPEECH AND LOBBYING FROM POLITICAL CONTRIBUTIONS
Christopher Ebbe,
Ph.D. 5-13
ABSTRACT: Methods of separating
political contributions from political speech are suggested.
KEY WORDS: political
contributions, political speech, lobbying
Political contributions and political advertising have become serious
concerns with regard to the maintenance of our democratic system over the last
decade, and lobbying influence bought through political contributions (even
though they are represented as independent from each other) has been a concern
since the founding of the republic. In
recent elections it has become more apparent that immense amounts of money are
being contributed and spent in hopes of influencing elections. Big contributors and super-PACS are even
attempting to influence state and local elections (even school boards), and
even in states where they are not based and do not reside, all in hopes of
furthering the cause of a political philosophy or national party.
Most of this money is spent in television advertising, which is
extremely expensive, and it is worrisome that TV ads have become the major
route through which voters get their information about candidates (much of it
false and all of it misleading). This
information is formulated like other TV ads, whose purpose is not to inform but
to influence, so most political ads on TV seek to influence through slogans,
overly general claims regarding the candidate or issues the candidate
“supports” or opposes, music, pictures, and negative “information” about
opponents. They almost never give
information about the candidate’s stand on an issue that helps voters to understand
the issue or know what the candidate would actually do about the issue. Combining this with the election strategy of
revealing as little as possible about a candidate’s specific beliefs and
intentions, so as not to offend any segment of voters, leaves us with an
election system that entices and courts voters without giving them solid
information.
My belief is that every citizen should be able to petition the
government (speak in person or in writing) concerning issues affecting that
citizen and the country, and that every citizen should have equal access and
equal influence with elected officials.
Citizens with more money or power should get no more attention or
preference than any other citizen. I also believe that contributing money to
politicians or political groups should not be viewed as protected speech under
the Constitution, since I believe that oral or written speech was what was in
the minds of the framers and of those who wrote the Bill of Rights. Paying someone else to speak for one is not
speech. The right of all citizens (and
all corporations) to state their political views and preferences should be
protected, but giving money to influence elections should not be. I also believe that electioneering should educate
voters about candidates’ qualifications and intentions, so that elections are
not simply competitions between candidates to determine who will be elected.
Much of the effort by various citizens and businesses to influence elections
and therefore government actions is aimed at gaining financial advantage or
establishing laws that control other people.
A current example is opposition by internet companies to controls on
their gathering, using, and selling information about citizens who use the
internet. They want financial advantage
for themselves and are wholly willing to sacrifice privacy on the part of
citizens. However, given human nature at
this point in evolution, we have to live with and control as necessary and as
best we can the selfish (which is fine) and inconsiderate (which is not fine)
efforts of our fellows to get things at our expense.
It is interesting to note that efforts to influence voters by means
other than those that help the voter to make up his or her mind regarding
candidate qualifications and stands on issues are actually efforts to subvert
democracy. If you accept that the
purpose of democracy is to establish and ensure equality of the governed, then
some people having more influence than others (through wealth, fame, or any
other reason) is subversive to democracy, since it either establishes
inequality or promotes voting on bases other than electing the best qualified
candidates. (It is possible, of course,
to envision democracy as simply another framework for managing the masses by
the oligarchy, giving them some illusion of input and control but taking it
away by effective influence methods relating to wealth and position.)
The problem of “big money” has gotten so big that some adjustments
regarding “protected speech” are necessary, in my opinion, and our elections
are in danger of becoming simply money contests (which side is more motivated
to give money as a sign of their political leanings), instead of serious
attempts to find out which candidates are best qualified. Elections should certainly not be determined
by who spends more money.
Here are some ideas that could structure elections differently.
1. Public financing could be required for all candidates, with other
spending and campaign contributions prohibited.
While this might encourage more useful campaigning by candidates, with
more effort to communicate about issues and positions on issues, it would
probably just increase the non-candidate spending on advertising and influencing. The U.S. is not ready for completely
educational and informational campaigns.
2. Influence efforts (to influence a voter’s vote), except by providing
unbiased information about the candidate and the issues, could be
prohibited. Again, the U.S. is not ready
for this and probably never will be. We
want to be able to influence other people for selfish purposes, and we are
unwilling to give that up that opportunity vis a vis elections.
3. To prevent unequal influence by those with more money, petitioning
the government could be limited to written communications, and all other influence
efforts could be prohibited (in-person meetings, telephone contacts, oral
arguments presented, quid-pro-quo offers, negotiations, gifts, promises of
money to anyone for any purpose, promises of votes, etc.), but this restriction
would be unacceptable to the nation at this time, since people want to reserve
the right to influence government, if they need to, even though they might be
seeking unfair advantage over other citizens by doing so.
4. If a person or a person representing others seeks to influence any
government official regarding an issue, that person or represented entity could
be restricted from contributing more than $5,000 to that government official’s campaign
until after the next election affecting that official. Presenting written arguments regarding an
issue only (including how that person or entity would be affected by pending
legislation or government activity) would not be restricted, but any other
influence attempts (in-person meetings, telephone contacts, oral arguments
presented, quid-pro-quo offers, negotiations, gifts, promises of money to
anyone for any purpose, promises of votes, etc.) would fall under this
contribution restriction. Efforts of any
type to petition the government to enforce current laws properly or to follow
appropriately fair procedures in its actions would also be exempted from this
restriction.
This would require record-keeping by someone about influence
attempts. Government officials could be
required by law to keep these records or to report them to a record-keeping
office. Contributions would also have to
be filtered by the officials or by a record-keeping office. This would be cumbersome but probably no more
cumbersome than current attempts to control campaign contributions. It could also be circumvented, but any proven
circumvention could be grounds for barring the official from any elected office
for life, and any proven efforts by donors to circumvent the restriction could
have felony consequences.
5. Limit campaign contributions from any person or entity to $5,000 per
candidate per election and to $5,000 per political party per election. All contributions for political purposes
would have to be identified by candidate or party. No other contributions would be allowed. The organization that received the money
would have to spend it for the identified candidate or party and could not pass
it along to any other person or organization.
Organizations that exist to further a political philosophy could receive
contributions without this limit but would be restricted from endorsing any
individual candidate. They could be
permitted, though, to make this statement and this statement only—“Candidate X
seems to us to be the candidate who would best further our political beliefs
and interests.”
6. Some of the current “fair elections” efforts focus on increased
disclosure of the origins of large campaign contributions—i.e., identifying
large donors and their contributed amounts publicly. In my opinion, this will not ultimately be
effective enough, since while individuals and corporations who give large
amounts would like to avoid being publicly identified, to avoid business losses
and personal threats, it is quite possible that if our system becomes even more
cynical, large donors will no longer be unwilling to be identified. Some restrictions on amounts donated seem would
be more fair and more effective.
To limit campaign contributions inherently reduces the options of some
individuals or entities to influence government, and we should not do that
without serious consideration. The
dangers of corruption and demoralization in our democracy from allowing some
citizens and entities to have such disproportionately great influence and of
allowing elections to become money contests are great enough that some
restriction on money in elections is warranted.
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